Friedman , and A.
These formal classifications require detailed information about specific occupations, often including the level of responsibility and autonomy involved in particular roles. Such detail is difficult and costly to reliably collect and so most official statistics do not include detailed socio-economic data. Typically, official statistics rely on much cruder data that are easier, and cheaper, to collect.
Which may not necessarily include all those entitled to apply for, or claim , FSMs. Table 1 shows the percentage of students, attending state funded schools, receiving FSMs in the principal ethnic groups as defined in UK official statistics 11 Table 1 includes data on the largest ethnic groups in England, with the addition of Chinese students. As a percentage of the total, it is clear that White children have some of the lowest FSM claimant rates. In , Black Caribbean children were more than twice as likely to claim FSM Table 2.
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A GCSE is awarded in a specified subject, and students generally take a number of subjects typically 8—10 over the final two years of compulsory aged schooling. White males underachieved by between 10 and 27 percentage points compared to their minority ethnic peers in the sense they were between 10 and 27 percentage points less likely to achieve the benchmark. Although White females were approximately 10 percentage points more likely to achieve the benchmark than White boys, their underperformance was marked when compared to other minority ethnic groups.
White females underachieved by between 12 and 30 percentage points, and again, were less likely to succeed than the historically lowest performing principal ethnic group — children of Black Caribbean ethnic heritage.
Morley, L. However, we must proceed with caution.
Equally, the performance of one racially minoritised group, tells us nothing about the mechanisms and causality for another — racisms operate differently for different groups. Thus, when a single measure of performance alone e. C B.
Discrimination and equal education
This siege narrative is bolstered by the media and speaks robustly to the 60 per cent of White individuals who consider themselves and their families to be working class. The deliberate use of FSM data as a dangerous proxy for the working class has very real implications for public debate about race and education. London : Stationery Office Limited. Rolfe , N. Hudson-Sharpe , and S. The principles of QuantCrit prompt us to critically interrogate the type and significance of data labels presented in publications, i. The white working class. It denotes both pity and contempt.
On the other, it is shorthand for the uneducated and the bigoted, people who support Donald Trump or Brexit, and are hostile to immigration and foreigners. Malik Malik, K. Luxembourg : Publications Office of the European Union. When researchers, politicians and the media fail to critically engage with the racialised nature of statistics, there is great potential to fuel the focus on class to the exclusion of race see also Cole Cole, M.
As I have noted above, this can be as dramatic as taking data that describes around one in ten of the relevant population i. FSM White British students and presenting it as if it relates to two in three i. In this section I focus on the performance of the nine-in-ten White students that were not claiming FSMs in Essential to creating a sense of siege is to ignore the minority groups who perform worse than their White peers in government assessment data. Table 3 re-presents data from Table 2 for those claiming FSMs in the first column but with the addition of the performance data of those not claiming in the second column, i.
What is important to remember, however, is that this statistic remains only true for one-in-ten White students. Furthermore, when we consider the performance data for the nine-in-ten White non-FSM children, the racialised gaps identified in the previous section are either eliminated altogether or significantly reduced. For non-FSM White males, the gap reported in the previous section is eliminated altogether — in the case of Black Caribbean males — and reduced by approximately 8 to 15 percentage points pp 14 As a group, for non-FSM White females the success gaps are again either eliminated — in the case of Black Caribbean females — or reduced by approximately 11 to 21 percentage points 15 The principles of QuantCrit here remind us that data generated by government bodies are likely to embody dominant racialised and racist assumptions i.
Therefore, a central question to be addressed is: whose interests are being served and whose are silenced by the dominant presentation of official attainment statistics? Despite sensationalist headlines to the contrary, as a group, roughly nine-in-ten White children continue to outperform their historically underperforming Black Caribbean peers.
Equally — in utilising the performance data for the one-in-ten White students — the reader of official statistics is directed to disregard the enduring underperformance of Black Caribbean children erasing the advantaged position of roughly nine-in-ten White students. To be clear, I am not challenging the view that White British children claiming FSMs are the lowest performing of the main ethnic groups in state schools 16 Yet, compared to nine-in-ten White students, Black Caribbean students continue to underachieve as demonstrated in Table 3.
Accessed 11 September Before examining the data it is worth noting that access to the necessary material is restricted. The Conservative Party Manifesto The Conservative Part y. As identified in the previous sections the plight of White working class boys, in particular, has been emphasized by the government and media. PoliticsFirst [Wragg Wragg, W.
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- The one-in-ten: quantitative Critical Race Theory and the education of the ‘new (white) oppressed’!
- Sociology of education | Stanford Libraries.
Accessed 12 March NB — As outlined in the sources and statistics section of this paper, SFR data is derived from the NPD, and as such, both data sets can be reliably compared within the same table. Compared to White British students who represent In addition, the analysis reveals a disturbing picture when we examine the change in success rates between the two benchmarks FSM [a minus c] and N-FSM [b minus d].
Of the reported principal male groups, Black African and Black Caribbean males were negatively affected by the change in benchmark — irrespective of their FSM status. For male students not claiming FSMs — Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Black Caribbean and Black African students were more adversely affected by the change in benchmark than their White peers, seeing significant decreases in success rates of between Of the reported principal female groups, Black Caribbean students were most detrimentally affected by the change in benchmarks — again, regardless of their FSM status.
Compared to female students not claiming FSMs, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Black Caribbean students were most adversely affected, with a decrease in success rate of between As seen in the final column of Table 4 , the racialised pattern of higher-status achievement identified in gold benchmark remains entrenched in against a newly introduced 'strong' benchmark 'achieving a level 5 or more in GCSE English and Maths' Conservative government, see Busby, Busby, E. In this way, QuantCrit prompts researchers to explore data for otherwise hidden or unrecognised areas of inequity i.
This difference goes unrecognized in the headline statistics, published on government websites and trumpeted in the media, which simply focus on the apparently greater overall attainment of minoritized students without noting the different value of the qualifications. Poor white boys are the new oppressed Phillips, Nonpoor Whites think that there is no need to talk about poor Whites unless Whiteness is the main topic of discussion…. Allen Allen, R. Rossatto , R. Allen , and M. Pruyn , 3 — English and math [GCSE only exc. The significance of the analyses set out in this paper relates to the wider politics of race equity generally and, in particular, the raced dynamics of state education.
My focus, on the definition and mis representation of class identities and levels of achievement, does not arise from an isolated concern with technical quantitative questions for their own sake; in contrast, and drawing on the principles of QuantCrit, the analysis seeks to understand how racialised assumptions and inequities are re made in the construction and reporting of English educational statistics.
Accessed 11 October The manipulation and selective use of achievement data, as explored in this paper, helps to generate and sustain a toxic political climate in which the White working class — or to be precise those 60 per cent who believe themselves to be working class NatCen NatCen.
By robustly bolstering the image of a disadvantaged White collective, wealthy and empowered Whites can be seen to fight for, and make explicit their commitment to, their disadvantaged White siblings Allen Allen, R. In this way, the analysis above could be interpreted as evidence that the disproportionately White 24 Accessed 11 May View all notes privately or selectively-educated government, with the support of the equally White-British media, can be seen making an empathetic commitment to the White working class and their children as a racialized group, e.
Clearly, as Allen Allen, R. No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author. Table 1. Table 3. Table 4. Skip to Main Content. Search in: This Journal Anywhere. Advanced search. Submit an article Journal homepage.